[rerevisionist]

An interesting interpretation of Gandhi, as a co-plotter in Temple Inn in London, with Nehru and Jinnah, all incidentally from wealthy backgrounds, contrary to the mythology. Is here Was the Fakir a Faker? Notes on the Gandhi Psy Op by Josh G Includes photo comparisons, naturally tricky with rather old b/w pictures. But one conclusion is, the loin-clothed cotton working Gandhi was probably a double, the real one living in his Bombay/Mumbai house. I'm not sure why Gandhi was anti-industrialism, which by now seems not to apply.

[NUKELIES]

From: http://www.zimbio.com/Ghandi+quotes/articles/161/Jews+commit+mass+suicide+Mohandas+Gandhi+Gandhi

Not only did Gandhi advocate that Jews commit mass-suicide, he referred to the blacks in South Africa as kaffirs, which is a Muslim derogatory word equal to "nigger" meaning "infidel." He stated that blacks were "Only a degree removed from the animal."

I am personally aware of three statues of Gandhi set up as symbols of peace: one in Tavistock Square in London, one in Union Square in New York, and one on the grounds of the Ferry Building in San Francisco.

"All Jews should commit mass suicide!" Mohandas Gandhi (Gandhi’s Final solution 1940)
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By moinansari on May-22-09 10:59pm
From: mohandasgandhi.wordpress.com

Which war did Mohandas Gandhi support? All of them. There wasn’t a war that the "prophet of non-violence" Gandhi did not support. He was Sergeant Major and won a British medal for war duties.

"All Jews should commit mass suicide!" (Gandhi’s Final solution 1940)

Sex life of Mohandas Gandhi, his failures and sexual perversion
The myth of Mohandas K. Gandhi debunked. He gets an "F" on South Africa, Salt Match, Non-Violence, and independence.
Sergeant Major (Retd.) Mohandas K. Gandhi who served in the British Army and won a medal of war for his participation in the Boer War on the side of the British.

There wasn’t a war which Gandhi did not support. He supported all the wars in his time. The prophet of peace Gandhi’s support for the British in the Boer War, the Zulu War, WW1 and WW2—this support extended South African Apartheid, and British colonialism.

Gandhi felt it was his duty to support the British during the Boer War; so he organized and led an Indian Corps to nurse When three hundred free Indians and eight hundred indentured servants volunteered, the whites were impressed. Gandhi was given a medal for his service in the Boer War. Gandhi also supported the British in their war with the Zulus.

Gandhi’s attitude towards the Africans was racist. In South Africa he never did anything for the blacks. In fact he wanted to create a stratified society with Whites at the top and the Africans at the bottom.

Gandhi wanted to be "Recruiter-in-Chief" for the Viceroy. In the spring of 1918 Gandhi was persuaded by the British to help raise soldiers for a final victory effort in the war. In 1917-18, Gandhi began tramping about India, recruiting men for the British Army.

Charlie Andrews criticized Gandhi for recruiting Indians to fight for the British. Gandhi was still loyal to Britain and to the ideals of the British Constitution, with which he later declared to have "fallen in love.

It was World War II that finally brought the itinerant politician back into public life. After war broke out in September 1939, the British immediately brought India into the conflict without consulting the nationalist leadership. Even as howls of outrage rose from the Congress and the Muslim League, Gandhi was invited to see the Viceroy, now Lord Linlithgow. Having never lost his deep respect for Britain Gandhi pledged his personal support to Britain and the allies. Gandhi, unhappy at taking advantage of Britain’s weakness.

Based on a telegram from Reuters, The Times, on September 27, 1947, under the headline "Mr. Gandhi on ‘war’ with Pakistan" reported:
"Mr. Gandhi told his prayer meeting to-night that, though he had always opposed all warfare, if there was no other way of securing justice from Pakistan and if Pakistan persistently refused to see its proved error and continued to minimise it, the Indian Union Government would have to go to war against it. … (Mohandas K. Gandhi, Spetember 27th, 1947)

He told the Sikhs "don’t let your swords rust". He wanted India to attack Kashmir.

In his 1949 "Reflections on Gandhi," George Orwell, regarding the late war, wrote that "one question every pacifist had a clear obligation to answer was: ‘What about the Jews? Are you prepared to see them exterminated? If not, how do you propose to save them without resorting to war?’" Orwell recorded Gandhi’s answer, which was: German Jews should commit collective suicide. [Note added by rerev Mar 2015: Orwell was either a useful idiot or fellow-traveller of Jews. I suspect the former. George Orwell - Useful Idiot.]



GANDHI ON NON-VIOLENCE

During a prayer speech: "If we had the atom bomb, we would have used it againstthe British." – June 16, 1947 (Reference: Gandhi’s "The Last Phase", Vol II, p. 326)
To the British during WWII: " You are losing; if you persist, it will only result in greater bloodshed. Hitler is not a bad man." (Reference: G.D. Birla’s "In the Shadow of the Mahatma", p. 276)

Gandhi’s limitations as a family man. Where the world sees a saint, Rajmohan Gandhi sees a cruel husband and a mostly absent father, paying scant attention to his children’s schooling and dragging wife Kasturba across continents at will, belittling her desire for the simplest of material possessions, then expecting her to comply when he turns from amorous husband to platonic companion to apparent adulterer. Gandhi took on a magnetic personality in the presence of young women, and was able to persuade them to join him in peculiar experiments of sleeping and bathing naked together, without touching, all apparently to strengthen his chastity. (Whether these experiments were always successful is anyone’s guess.) It is also revealed that Gandhi began a romantic liaison with Saraladevi Chaudhurani, niece of the great poet Rabindranath Tagore—a disclosure that has created a buzz in the Indian press. The author tells us that Gandhi, perhaps disingenuously, called it a "spiritual marriage," a "partnership between two persons of the opposite sex where the physical is wholly absent."
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/artic ... 78,00.html

GANDHI ON BLACKS AND RACE RELATIONS

• "A general belief seems to prevail in the colony that the Indians are little better, if
at all, than the savages or natives of Africa. Even the children are taught to
believe in that manner, with the result that the Indian is being dragged down to
the position of a raw Kaffir." (Reference: The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Government of India (CWMG), Vol I, p. 150)
• Regarding forcible registration with the state of blacks: "One can understand the
necessity for registration of Kaffirs who will not work." (Reference: CWMG, Vol I, p. 105)
• "Why, of all places in Johannesburg, the Indian Location should be chosen for
dumping down all the Kaffirs of the town passes my comprehension…the Town
Council must withdraw the Kaffirs from the Location." (Reference: CWMG, Vol I, pp. 244-245)
• His description of black inmates: "Only a degree removed from the animal." Also,
"Kaffirs are as a rule uncivilized – the convicts even more so. They are troublesome,
very dirty and live almost like animals." – Mar. 7, 1908 (Reference: CWMG, Vol VIII, pp. 135-136)
The Durban Post Office
One of Gandhi’s major "achievements" in South Africa was to promote racial segregation by refusing to share a post office door with the black natives.

Sergeant Major Gandhi
Learn how Gandhi became a Sgt. Major in the British Army and eagerly participated in the 1906 British war against the black Zulus.

Gandhi and South African Blacks
Gandhi wrote extensively about his experiences with the blacks of South Africa. He always termed them "Kaffirs" and his writings reveal a deep-seated disdain for these African natives.

The Nobel Prize rejected the Gandhi nomination because of this war mongering. Why Mohandas Gandhi didn’t win the Nobel Peace prize?

In his report, Professor Worm-Müller expressed his own doubts as to whether Gandhi’s ideals were meant to be universal or primarily Indian: "One might say that it is significant that his well-known struggle in South Africa was on behalf of the Indians only, and not of the blacks whose living conditions were even worse."
Mr. Gandhi told his prayer meeting to-night that, though he had always opposed all warfare, if there was no other way of securing justice from Pakistan and if Pakistan persistently refused to see its proved error and continued to minimise it, the Indian Union Government would have to go to war against it. … (Mohandas K. Gandhi, September 27th, 1947)
sharp turns in his policies, which can hardly be satisfactorily explained by his followers. (…) He is a freedom fighter and a dictator. Professor Jacob Worm-Müller, who wrote a report on Gandhi
he Nobel Committee adviser referred to … critics in maintaining that he was not consistently pacifist, that he should have known that some of his non-violent campaigns towards the British would degenerate into violence and terror. This was something that had happened during the first Non-Cooperation Campaign in 1920-1921, e.g. when a crowd in Chauri Chaura, the United Provinces, attacked a police station, killed many of the policemen and then set fire to the police station.
Appendix A

Gandhi felt it was his duty to support the British during the Boer War; so he organized and led an Indian Ambulance Corps to nurse the wounded on the battlefield. Even this effort was somewhat delayed by race prejudice; but when three hundred free Indians and eight hundred indentured servants volunteered, the whites were impressed. Gandhi was given a medal for his service in the Boer War. In 1902 he traveled in India, and with Gokhale’s support his resolution for the Indians in South Africa was passed by the Indian Congress in Calcutta.

In the spring of 1918 Gandhi was persuaded by the British to help raise soldiers for a final victory effort in the war. Charlie Andrews criticized Gandhi for recruiting Indians to fight for the British.

Aided by a donation of 1500 pounds and the 1,100-acre farm bought and built by architect Hermann Kallenbach, Gandhi named this ashram Tolstoy Farm. He exchanged a few letters with the great Russian novelist before he died and continued to write and edit the journal Indian Opinion in order to elucidate the principles and practice of satyagraha

discrimination against "coolies" (as Indians were disparagingly termed) was an entrenched part of South African life-especially in the Boer-ruled regions, where Gandhi and his friends could exercise little influence. In Natal, Indians were not allowed to go out after nine p.m. without a pass; in the Orange Free State, they could not own property, run businesses, or manage farms; in the Transvaal, they could not own land, and were forced to live in the worst urban slums. Even in the Cape Colony, British-ruled for decades, Indians were often forbidden to walk on the sidewalk, and could be kicked off-quite literally, often-by passing whites.

On the political front, a last-minute petition drive failed to stop the passage of the Indian Franchise Bill; however, Gandhi remained undeterred. He proceeded to organize a still larger petition, which was sent to London, to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, and distributed to the press in Britain, South Africa, and India. It caused a considerable stir, and prompted both the Times of London and the Times of India to write editorials in support of the Indian right to the vote. Meanwhile, Gandhi set about establishing a political organization for the Natalese Indians, which came to be called the Natal Indian Congress (a clear reference to the Indian National Congress, at that point a relatively tame body). Gandhi faced difficulties in financing the Congress, but the body soon possessed a library and a debating society, held regular (and lively) meetings, and published two major pamphlets. They were entitled An Appeal to Every Briton in South Africa, and The Indian Franchise-An Appeal, and offered a cogent, detailed case for putting an end to discrimination in South Africa.

India and World War I
The First World War began with the murder of an Austrian Archduke by a Serbian assassin in June of 1914, and soon mushroomed into a conflict that gripped Europeanpe and the world in four years of strategic stalemate and unparalleled butchery. When war was declared in August, Gandhi was in England, where he immediately began organizing a medical corps similar to the force he had led in the Boer War. But ill health soon forced his return to India, where he received a wildly enthusiastic welcome. In his absence, his fame as the politician-saint of South Africa and the founder of satyagraha had spread throughout India, and now cheering crowds cried "Mahatmaji" ("ji" being a suffix connoting affection) wherever he appeared. "Mahatma" meant "Great Soul," an appellation applied to the holiest men of Hinduism, and was first conferred upon Gandhi by the great Indian poet and Nobel laureate Rabindranath Tagore in 1913. Gandhi, of course, insisted that all souls were equal, and found bothersome the religious adulation lavished upon him, even as it gave him great practical power on the subcontinent. But despite his distaste for it, Mahatma was a title he would bear until his death and beyond, and while there were other Mahatmas in the India of his lifetime, Gandhi is the only one remembered today.

Gandhi spent his first year in India in retirement from public life. However, the year was punctuated by a brief visit with the British Governor of Bombay (and future Viceroy of India), Lord Willingdon, whom Gandhi promised to consult before he launched any political campaigns, and then the death of G.K. Gokhale, Gandhi’s political mentor, an event that left him feeling somewhat adrift in the currents of Indian political life. Indian nationalism was a fast-growing phenomenon, as some members of the Indian National Congress had begun to push for Swaraj, or "home-rule."

But Gandhi steered clear of these agitators, in part because he was not yet certain that he agreed with them, and in part because he had to resettle his family and the other inhabitants of the Phoenix Settlement (and the Tolstoy Settlement, a twin he had founded near Johannesburg) in India. To this end, he established a new settlement near the town of Ahmedabad, the capital of the western province of Gujarati, near where he had been born. It came to be known as the Satyagraha ashram, ashram being an Indian word for a communal settlement, and was officially founded on May 25, 1915. Its initial inhabitants included some twenty-five people, all sworn to chastity and poverty—and among them was a family of untouchables, India’s lowest caste.


By living in a communal space with untouchables (whose very presence, it was believed, defiled higher-caste Hindus), Gandhi deeply offended many of his supporters and lost considerable financial support. He was actually considering a move to the untouchable district in Ahmedabad when a generous Muslim merchant donated enough money to keep the ashram running for a year-by which time Gandhi’s communal life with the untouchables had become slightly less of an outrage.

Gandhi’s public life in India commenced in February of 1916, when he gave a speech at the opening of the new Hindu University in the city of Benares. The speech was typical of Gandhi, as he urged the assembled, westernized Indians that they would never be worthy of self-government unless they looked out for their less fortunate brethren. He then went on to catalogue the awful living conditions of the lower classes that he had observed during his travels around India-with a special focus, as always, on sanitation. The speech enjoyed little popularity among the Indian intelligentsia, but Gandhi hardly cared. He had begun to approve of the idea of home rule, but he had no interest in exchanging government by a British elite for rule by an Anglicized Indian elite. If swaraj was to come to India, he argued, it must come as part of a wholesale social transformation that stripped away the old burdens of caste and crippling poverty.

During the war years, he set about putting these principles into action. His intervention (and willingness, as always, to face arrest) in the Champaran district on behalf of impoverished indigo-cultivators led to a government commission being appointed to investigate abuses by the indigo planters. At the same time, he discovered what was to become one of his most effective weapons in late years-the fast. He had always fasted as part of his personal regimen, but when a group of striking Ahmedabad mill-workers, whose cause he had supported, turned to violence in their struggle with the mill-owners, he resolved to fast until they returned to his principle of non-violence. As it happened, the fast only lasted three days, as the two sides came to the bargaining table and hammered out an agreement. But it set a precedent for later action, and he would continue to use it as weapon in the arsenal of satyagraha-despite criticism from those who condemned such behavior as little more than a form of blackmail.

As the war in European dragged to its conclusion in 1917-18, Gandhi began tramping about India, recruiting men for the British Army. Although his dreams of home rule had grown stronger, he was still loyal to Britain and to the ideals of the British Constitution, with which he later declared to have "fallen in love." But the Indian people, having listened to him preach non-violence and resistance to unjust authority, had a difficult time accepting him in the role of recruitment officer-how, they wondered, could the apostle of peace ask them to take up arms in defense of the Raj? Wearied from his journey, he fell ill with dysentery; it was his first serious illness, and he resolutely resisted treatment, preferring his own regimen. As a result he spent a long time as a convalescent.


While Gandhi lay in bed in his ashram, the war came to an end. In a sense, the long struggle had been a great vindication of the British Empire and its Indian "jewel": the subcontinent had remained loyal, for the most part, and Indian troops had fought valiantly for the Empire around the globe. But the seeds of the Raj’s downfall were sown. Britain was drained, of both manpower and will, and would never again regain the sunny optimism that had characterized its 19th century rule. The interwar years would soon bring a malaise to the Empire, as a series of mediocre governments stood by impotently in the face of a hostile Germany’s rise to power and the progressive loss of their own domination. Meanwhile, India was restive: the British had destroyed the world’s only Muslim power, the Ottoman Empire, and the loyalty of Indians Muslims was questionable. And having fought a war whose supposed purpose was to protect the rights of small states and independent peoples from tyranny, the rhetoric of British rule in India had begun to ring hollow.
In this atmosphere, the harried British government made a frightful mistake. They elected to follow the recommendations of the Rowlatt Committee, which advocated the retention of wartime restrictions in India-including curfews and the suppression of free speech. Gandhi, reading the soon-to-be-passed Rowlatt Act in his sickbed, was too weak to mount a protest, but his loyalty to the Empire, which he had long viewed as the guarantor of Indian liberties, suffered a major blow; events of the next few years were to shatter it entirely.

It was World War II that finally brought the itinerant saint-politician back into public life. After war broke out in September 1939, the British immediately brought India into the conflict without consulting the nationalist leadership. Even as howls of outrage rose from the Congress and the Muslim League, Gandhi was invited to see the Viceroy, now Lord Linlithgow. Having never lost his deep respect for Britain, and detesting Nazism as "naked ruthless force reduced to an exact science," Gandhi pledged his personal support to Britain and the allies. Nehru, however, was less excited by the idea of aiding the Empire’s war effort, and along with the other Congress leaders, he drafted a manifesto that essentially asked for complete independence in return for Indian support against the Nazis. Gandhi, unhappy at taking advantage of Britain’s weakness (it was now 1940, and the Germans were rolling across France), reluctantly went along.
Gandhi’s support was immaterial—Churchill was now in command of Britain, and he had no intention of allowing Indian independence, certainly not in war-time, and not with the issue of minorities (Muslims, practically speaking) still unresolved. Nehru’s demand was turned down, and now Gandhi, previously unwilling to further debilitate the British in their time of struggle, agreed to a small-scale campaign of civil disobedience, in which only the Congress leaders went to jail. This small-scale campaign lasted until 1942, when Sir Stafford Cripps arrived on the subcontinent, offering India Dominion status in the British Commonwealth after the war (which meant de facto independence, since a nation could leave the Commonwealth at any time). The Congress might have accepted this, however the proposals also insisted-in an effort to deal with the Muslim problem-that any province would have the right to secede from the Dominion. This Gandhi and the rest of the Congress could not accept, since it would mean the "vivisection" of India.

With the failure of the Cripps mission, the Congress now decided on an immediate campaign of civil disobedience. Before it could begin, however, all the Congress leaders, including Gandhi, were arrested in August of 1942 and imprisoned in the palace of the Aga Khan. Without the Mahatma’s voice to calm the people, India exploded into violence. The Viceroy demanded that Gandhi speak out against the civil strife, but for once he refused, choosing instead to begin a fast in February of 1943 that lasted for three weeks and left the government terrified that he might die in confinement. But still, he seemed less dangerous to them in his velvet prison than out of it, and so the government kept him in the Aga Khan’s palace, surrounded by his friends and family, while the war dragged on. He was not released until May of 1944, a month before D-Day, and he left the palace nursing a profound personal grief—Kasturbai, his wife and companion for the last sixty-two years, had died during their confinement.

During the speech the crowd issued approving hums and adoring sigh. When it was over the speaker received a standing ovation. The audience, regardless of what spurred them to their feet, in their reasons for standing should have included this: to signal their gratitude that the U.S. government and the rest of the world’s democracies know the speaker’s message is irresponsible and immoral.

===

The speaker was Arun Gandhi, grandson of Mahatma, and last week, in a lecture titled "Lessons Learned From Grandfather," Gandhi spoke to a University audience about the philosophy of nonviolence.

Pacifism is difficult to digest, and to make it even somewhat palatable Arun Gandhi, a professed pacifist, had to address a question he should have expected and which was asked after his speech. It is a question the answer of which banishes the relativism of even the most incurable liberal. And it is a question one 20th century writer would not ignore.

In his 1949 "Reflections on Gandhi," George Orwell, regarding the late war, wrote that "one question every pacifist had a clear obligation to answer was: ‘What about the Jews? Are you prepared to see them exterminated? If not, how do you propose to save them without resorting to war?’" Orwell recorded Gandhi’s answer, which was: German Jews should commit collective suicide.

Ghastly, yes, but as Orwell wrote, "Gandhi was merely being honest. If you are not prepared to take life, you must often be prepared for lives to be lost in some other way."

Perhaps not wanting to tell the assembled undergraduates, law students, professors and local citizens that the German Jews should have all raised their hands for Auschwitz, Arun Gandhi, when asked about the issue, (to paraphrase) replied:

Well, Hitler didn’t just come about out of the blue. The pressures on Germany after World War I helped create the conditions for Hitler’s rise. And we humans are not very good at conflict prevention. We always wait until the conflict-management stage. Gandhi’s beliefs have no practicality. Matt Emerson

[rerevisionist]

I just found that Gandhi's Complete Works (100 volumes) are online, in English. http://www.gandhiserve.org This includes newspaper items on Gandhi addressing schools, visiting places, making speeches; so it's not exactly 'works' in the usual sense. I'm pretty sure his complete books are excluded; for example his Autobiography seems not to be there.

Gandhi is another subject ripe for revisionism. There was a recent biography by Jad Adams, who did quite a pioneering book on AIDS, but unfortunately his Gandhi bio I thought was shallow and superficial and conventional.

The article you quote seems to be anonymous (by 'moinansari'); the suicide quotation is probably untrue—searching the complete works for such a quotation draws a blank, though there are abundant references to Jews, Germany, wars etc. I thought at first it was just another Jew doing what Jews do best, but it's possible the piece was assembled by a Muslim in anti-Hindu mode.

---

[Review of Gandhi by Jad Adams - rerev]

[NUKELIES]

Thanks for pointing that out. It could be fake, but Gandhi needs debunking. My gut tells me he's just another globalist who was deified as a figurehead—the whole nonviolence thing is just basic social control.

Gandhi was like obama except he actually believed in the hype they cooked up for him. Even Martin Luther King Jr. appears to have had some sort of understanding that he was being used.

Gandhi_Kheda_1918.jpg (24 KiB) Viewed 134 times

[Sorensen731]

A similar Indian related hoax is Mother Teresa

http://ajitvadakayil.blogspot.com/2011/ ... other.html

http://www.meteorbooks.com/index.html